Turning and turning in the widening gyre
The falcon cannot hear the falconer;
Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.
Surely some revelation is at hand;
Surely the Second Coming is at hand.
The Second Coming! Hardly are those words out
When a vast image out of Spiritus Mundi
Troubles my sight: somewhere in sands of the desert
A shape with lion body and the head of a man,
A gaze blank and pitiless as the sun,
Is moving its slow thighs, while all about it
Reel shadows of the indignant desert birds.
The darkness drops again; but now I know
That twenty centuries of stony sleep
Were vexed to nightmare by a rocking cradle,
And what rough beast, its hour come round at last,
Slouches towards Bethlehem to be born?
- William Butler Yeats, The Second Coming

The 1AC that Becomes: (Main One)



Not a star will remain in the night.






The night itself will not remain.






I will die and with me the sum






Of the intolerable universe.






I’ll erase the pyramids, the coins,






The continents and all the faces.






I’ll erase the accumulated past.






I’ll make dust of history, dust of dust.






Now I gaze at the last sunset.






I am listening to the last bird.






I bequeath nothingness to no-one.






Welcome to the age of the Silent Majority! The routing of desire through microfascist self-hatred on both the Right and the Left necessitates an incision into status quo pedagogy, seeking a deterritorialized path towards freedom. The realm of the silent majority is the realm of microfascism, a reactive and spiteful response to the inherent flux of existence. This is a mode of subjectification in which one can only affirm the self over and against the evil other: the Fascist! The Communist! The Capitalist! This group superego and herd moralism creates a politics of extreme self-righteousness, engendering territorial capture and the destruction of a value to existence.


Seem 83. Mark Seem, translator of Anti-Oedipus, famous American intellectual, "Introduction" in Anti-Oedipus by Deleuze and Guattari, Trans. 1983, xvi-xvii

Such a set of beliefs, Deleuze and Guattari demonstrate, such a herd instinct, is based on the desire to be led, the desire to have someone else legislate life. The very desire that was brought so glaringly into focus in Europe with Hitler, Mussolini, and fascism; the desire that is still at work, making us all sick, today. Anti-Oedipus starts by reviving Reich's completely serious question with respect to the rise of fascism: 'How could the masses be made to desire their own repression?' This is a question which the English and Americans are reluctant to deal with directly, tending too often to respond: "Fascism is a phenomenon that took place elsewhere, something that could only happen to others, but not to us; it's their problem." Is it though? Is fascism really a problem for others to deal with? Even revolutionary groups deal gingerly with the fascisizing elements we all carry deep within us, and yet they often possess a rarely analyzed but overriding group 'superego' that leads them to state, much like Nietzsche's man of ressentiment, that the other is evil (the Fascist! the Capitalist! the Communist!), and hence that they themselves are good. This conclusion is reached as an afterthought and a justification, a supremely self-righteous rationalization for a politics that can only "squint" at life, through the thick clouds of foul-smelling air that permeates secret meeting places and "security" councils. The man of ressentiment, as Nietzsche explains, "loves hiding places, secret paths and back doors, everything covert entices him as his world, his security, his refreshment; he understands how to keep silent, how not to forget, how to wait, how to be provisionally self-deprecating and humble."2 Such a man, Nietzsche concludes, needs very much to believe in some neutral, independent "subject"—the ego—for he is prompted by an instinct of self-affirmation and Jeff-preservation that cares little about preserving or affirming life, an instinct "in which every lie is sanctified."3 This is the realm of the silent majority. And it is into these back rooms, behind the closed doors of the analyst's office, in the wings of the Oedipal theater, that Deleuze and Guattari weave their way, exclaiming as does Nietzsche that it smells bad there, and that what is needed is "a breath of fresh air, a relationship with the outside world." In examining the problem of the subject, the behind-the-scenes reactive and reactionary man, Anti-Oedipus develops an approach that is decidedly diagnostic ("What constitutes our sickness today?") and profoundly healing as well. What it attempts to cure us of is the cure itself. Deleuze and Guattari term their approach "schizoanalysis," which they oppose on every count to psychoanalysis. Where the latter measures everything against neurosis and castration, schizoanalysis begins with the schizo, his breakdowns and his breakthroughs. For, they affirm, "a schizophrenic out for a walk is a better model than a neurotic lying on the analyst's couch. . . ." Against the Oedipal and oedipalized territorialities (Family, Church, School, Nation, Party), and especially the territoriality of the individual, Anti-Oedipus seeks to discover the "deterritorialized" flows of desire, the flows that have not been reduced to the Oedipal codes and the neuroticized territorialities, the desiring-machines that escape such codes as lines of escape leading elsewhere. Much like R.D.Laing, Deleuze and Guattari aim to develop a materialistically and experientially based analysis of the "breakdowns" and the "breakthroughs" that characterize some of those labeled schizophrenic by psychiatry. Rather than view the creations and productions of desire—all of desiring-production—from the point of view of the norm and the normal, they force their analysis into the sphere of extremes. From paranoia to schizophrenia, from fascism to revolution, from breakdowns to breakthroughs, what is investigated is the process of life flows as they oscillate from one extreme to the other, on a scale of intensity that goes from 0 ("I never asked to be born . . . leave me in peace"), the body without organs, to the nth power ("I am all that exists, all the names in history"), the schizophrenic process of desire.





What is missing in education is a people adequate to the task of the active creation of values and the refusal of a ressentiment laden hatred towards the world. The imposition of a planned curriculum always engineers student subjectivity towards microfascism, erecting a universal subject hell bent on the obliteration of all that is outside it. This molar vision of education reeks of the microfascist desire to control. This standardization through a ‘planned curriculum’ is an evisceration of a new mode of subjectivity in which students are encouraged to actively create and recreate themselves, engendering revolutionary politics. Education today is capable only of producing a people premised on conformity and regimes of representation and signification – we must cut into this image of educational thought and erect a nomadic image of student subjectivity in flux and becoming.


Wallin 14. Jason Wallin, Professor of Media and Youth Culture in Curriculum in the Faculty of Education at the University of Alberta, "Education Needs to Get a Grip on Life" in Deleuze and Guattari, Politics and Education: For a People-Yet-to-Come, Bloomsbury Academic, 2014, via epub //tbrooks

people to come. Is such a thought even fathomable in institutional education, that for its general reactivity towards life has produced the extreme blinkering of expression at varying scales from kindergarten to the university? Suffice it to say that education has always been a matter of producing people, yet certainly not of that nomadic and experimental quality Deleuze and Guattari (1987) connect to the creation of a war-machine or ‘outside thought’ transversally poised to break with the doxa of an age. The dream of technical efficiency grounding the early curriculum work of Taylor (1911), the ideal of Fordian utilitarianism in Bobbitt (1924) and the valorization of progress and instrumentalism in Tyler (1949) suggest the image of a people, yet a very specific image adapted to the homogeneity of factory routine, the generalized reproduction of class distinctions and the reification of the given. In a vision of schooling as prescient today as at the turn of the twentieth century, Cubberly (1916) extolls that ‘our schools are, in a sense, factories in which raw materials (children) are to be shaped and fashioned into products to the meet the various demands of life’ (p. 338). While the image of the factory that dominated early curriculum thought is slowly being deterritorialized upon the ‘flexible’ ideals of neo-liberal corporatism, what remains intact is the school’s figuration in the production of social life-forms. The school not only anticipates the kind of people it will produce, but enjoins such production to an a priori image of life to which students are interminably submitted. Despite the general wearing out and criticism of such forms of educational organization, the fabulation nevertheless ‘retains its place and hangs on like an ailing patient’ (Guattari, 2009, p. 173). Such American educational policy-programmes as No Child Left Behind, America 2000 and, more recently, the Obama administration’s Race to the Top repeat an image of ends-means production and conformism that were the telos of curriculum’s pre-war metanarratives, palpating the renewal of standardization and its deleterious effects upon the material actualization of difference in classrooms today. The Molar Institution: Schools are not made for children: Children ought to be made for schools Aoki (1993) refers to the closed and self-referential educational territory of standardization as the planned curriculum. For all intents and purposes, the planned curriculum functions as an image of thought for coding, albeit inexactly, the desiring-flows of the classroom towards homogeneous and regulated outcomes. In this vein, the planned curriculum functions as a mechanism of negation and opposition, reactively constraining the flows of the classroom according to injunctions of what it ought to do. Such injunctions, Aoki argues, are abstractly mapped, yet materially lived via such curricular order words as ‘goals’, ‘aims’ and ‘objectives’ (Aoki, 2005, pp. 202–3). Constituting an image of the ‘possible’ for the material life of the classroom, the planned curriculum arrays desiring-flows within highly blinkered forms of institutional expression and production, palpating both the dependency of the subject upon the institution’s mechanisms of representation, problem-solving and, ultimately, the standardization and infantalization of desire under bureaucratic controls. It is unfathomable, Guattari (2009) argues, that life in schools could be thought of in a manner wholly independent of such abstract forms of reference. As the strategic reduction of teacher agency and systematic institution of universalizing standards irrespective of local difference demonstrate, the very question of how the school works is bound to the problem of an image of thought that for its contraction of classroom life to prior circuits of desire is definitively real. ‘What are the … possibilities for intervention’ Guattari asks, ‘what degree of freedom do teachers, mental health workers, and social workers really possess?’ (p. 45). Guattari’s question remains germane to the contemporary conceptualization of the school and the image of universalization that informs upon it as the planned curriculum. What is at stake in such a scenario but the very possibility that education might become a matter of both producing and following singularities, or, rather, of palpating the ‘freedom of individual and collective creation away from … conformism?’ (Guattari, 2009, p. 203). Amid innumerable problems facing the future of education is perhaps the most destructive ‘squeeze on … the singular’ being promulgated by the increasing instumentalization of schooling and its submission of institutional life to the dominant values and systems of perception lauded by both the State and the private sector (Massumi, 2002, p. 21). It is on this point that the annihilation of the singular constitutes a key political problematic for educational thought in so far as it negates the potential for thinking a people out-of-sync with the people in general. As it pertains to the historical relation between schooling and social engineering, this annihilation functions to buttress the educational ideal of an adapted ‘public’ and prior ‘territorialities of use’ through which thought and action are brought into regulatory collusion (Guattari, 2009, p. 48). Today, the effects of such abstract ideations persist. On 9 October 2012, the New York Times reported a growing trend among physicians to prescribe such psychostimulants as Adderall to students experiencing academic and/or behavioural difficulties at school (Schwarz, 2012). Assenting to the supposed inalterability of contemporary schooling and its general failure to recognize the lives of those that undergo it, what option remains, the proponents of medicalization suggest, but pharmacological intervention aimed at the regulation of neuronal activity as it suits the demands of the institution. Among a litany of issues inhering such pharmacological ‘mediation’ is a key premise implicated in the obliteration of the singular: Schools are not made for children: children ought to be made for schools. This is hardly a new sentiment, remarkable only in so far as it signals the continual assault on difference at intensifying scales of control. The people are missing in education As a social machine through which ‘labour power and the socius as a whole is manufactured’, schooling figures in the production of social territories that already anticipate a certain kind of people (Guattari, 2009, p. 47). And what kind of people does orthodox schooling seek to produce but a ‘molar public’, or, rather, a public regulated in the abstract image of segmentary social categories (age, gender, ethnicity, class, rank, achievement) (Deleuze and Guattari, 1987)? Such an aspiration is intimately wed to the territorializing powers of the State, constitutes a significant and lingering problem in contemporary education (Hwu, 2004). Its function, Daignault alludes apropos Serres, is oriented to the annihilation of difference. Hence, where the conceptualization of ‘public’ education is founded in common sense, potentials for political action through tactics of proliferation, disjunction, and singularization are radically delimited and captured within prior territorialities of use (Foucault, 1983, p. xiii). The problem of this scenario is clear: common sense has yet to force us to think in a manner capable of subtracting desire from majoritarian thought in lieu of alternative forms of organization and experimental expression. In so far as it functions as a vehicle of ‘molarization’, reifying a common universe of reference for enunciation, the school fails to produce conditions for thinking in a manner that is not already anticipated by such referential ‘possibilities’. Hence, while antithetical to the espoused purpose of schooling, the majoritarian impulse of the school has yet to produce conditions for thinking – at least in the Deleuzian (2000) sense whereupon thought proceeds from a necessary violence to those habits of repetition with which thought becomes contracted.





The impact is a war on difference in which a new totalitarianism premised on reactive orientations to desire and a hatred of the world outpaces traditional liberal-democratic governance entirely. Today, all that remains is an inaccurate simulation of political participation – true conflict over differing visions of the political is eliminated, erecting a normal, everyday fascism that results in a reactive orientation to the inevitable anxiety of life producing a constant war on difference. Mere political reform is insufficient – only a radical reorientation of subjectivity towards active creation and affirmation can undercut the ongoing war of all against all.


Karatzogianni and Robinson 13. Athina Karatzogianni, Senior Lecturer in Media and Communication at the University of Leicester (UK), and Andrew Robinson, independent researcher and writer, "Schizorevolutions vs. Microfascisms: A Deleuzo-Nietzschean Perspective on State, Security, and Active/Reactive Networks," Selected Works, July 2013, http://works.bepress.com/athina' karatzogianni, 8-17, via academia.edu

Thesis 2: The threatened state transmutes into the terror state. The return of state violence from the kernel of state exceptionalism is a growing problem. It is grounded on a reaction of the terrified state by conceiving the entire situation as it is formerly conceived specific sites of exception and emergency (c.f. Agamben, 1998, 2005). New forms of social control directed against minor deviance or uncontrolled flows are expanding into a war against difference and a systematic denial of the ‘right to have rights’ (Robinson, 2007). The project is not simply an extension of liberal-democratic models of social control, but breaks with such models in directly criminalizing nonconformity from a prescribed way of life and attempting to extensively regulate everyday life through repression. This new repressive model, expressing a kind of neo-totalitarianism, should be taken to include such measures and structures as the rise of gated communities, CCTV, RFID, ID cards, ASBOs, dispersal zones, paramilitary policing methods, the ‘social cleansing’ of groups such as homeless people and street drinkers from public spaces, increasing restrictions on protests and attacks on ‘extremist’ groups, the use of extreme sentencing against minor deviance, and of course the swathe of "anti-terrorism" laws which provide a pretext for expanded repression. This increasingly vicious state response leads to extremely intrusive state measures. The magazine Datacide analyses the wave of repression as ‘the real subsumption of every singularity in the domain of the State. From now on if your attributes don't quite extend to crime, a judge's word suffices to ensure that crime will reach out and embrace your attributes’ (Hyland n.d.). To decompose networks, the state seeks to shadow them ever more closely. The closure of space is an inherent aspect of this project of control. While open space is a necessary enabling good from the standpoint of active desire, it is perceived as a threat by the terrified state, because it is space in which demonised Others can gather and recompose networks outside state control. Hence, for the threatened state, open space is space for the enemy, space of risk. Given that open space is in contrast necessary for difference to function (since otherwise it is excluded as unrepresentable or excessive), the attempts to render all space closed and governable involve a constant war on difference which expands ever more deeply into everyday life. As Guattari aptly argues, neoliberal capitalism tends to construe difference as unwanted ‘noise’ (1996: 137). Society thus becomes a hothouse of constant crackdowns and surveillance, which at best simulates, and at worst creates, a situation where horizontal connections either cannot emerge or are constantly persecuted. Theories such as those of Agamben and Kropotkin show the predisposition of the state to pursue total control. But why is the state pursuing this project now? To understand this, one must recognise the multiple ways in which capitalism can handle difference. Hence, there are two poles the state can pursue, social-democratic (adding axioms) or totalitarian (subtracting axioms), which have the same function in relation to capitalism, but are quite different in other regards. State terror involves the replacement of addition of axioms (inclusion through representation) with subtraction of axioms (repression of difference). This parallels the distinction between ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ power in international relations. Crucially, ‘hard’ power is deflationary (Mann 2005: 83-4). While ideological integration can be increased by intensified command, ‘soft’ power over anyone who remains outside the dominant frame is dissipated. Everyday deviance becomes resistance because of the project of control which attacks it. It also becomes necessarily more insurrectionary, in direct response to the cumulative attempts to stamp it out through micro-regulation. What the state gains in coercive power, it loses in its ability to influence or engage with its other. But the state, operating under intense uncertainty and fear, is giving up trying to seem legitimate across a field of difference. A recent example of this concerns the treatment of whistleblowers: Bradley ~~[Chelsea~~] Manning and by extent the publisher Julian Assange in the WikiLeaks case (for a discussion of affect see Karatzogianni, 2012) and Edward Snowden in relation to the recent revelations about NSA surveillance program PRISM (Poitras and Greenwald’s video Interview with Edward Snowden, 9 June 2013). This is not to say that it dispenses with articulation. It simply restricts it tautologically to its own ideological space (Negri 2003: 27). Legitimation is replaced by information, technocracy and a simulation of participation (Negri 2003: 90, 111.). There is a peculiarly close relationship between the state logic of command and the field of what is variously termed ‘ideology’ (in Althusser), ‘mythology’ (in Barthes) and ‘fantasy’ (in Lacan): second- order significations embedded in everyday representations, through which a simulated lifeworld is created, in which people live in passivity, creating their real performative connection to their conditions of existence and bringing them into psychological complicity in their own repression. Such phenomena are crucial to the construction of demonised Others which provides the discursive basis for projects of state control. ‘~~[Conflict is~~] deflected... through the automatic micro-functioning of ideology through information systems. This is the normal, ‘everyday’ fascism, whose most noticeable feature is how unnoticeable it is’ (Negri 1998a: 190). In denial of generalisable rights, the in-group defines social space for itself and itself alone. The result is a denial of basic dignity and rights to those who fall outside "society", who, in line with their metaphysical status, are to be cast out, locked away, or put beyond a society defined as being for "us and us only" (the mythical division between social and anti-social). The neo-totalitarian state resurrects the tendency to build a state ideology, but this ideology is now disguised as a shared referent of polyarchic parties and nominally free media. Failing to think in statist terms is no longer any different from criminal intent. Romantically crossing an airport barrier for a goodbye kiss is taken as a major crime, for the state, being terrified, responds disproportionately; the romantic is blamed for producing this response (Baker and Robins, 2010). He should have thought like the state to begin with, and not corrupted its functioning with trivialities such as love. Such is the core of the terror-state: constant exertion of energy to ward off constant anxiety, at the cost of a war on difference. Networks under Threat - Network Terror Thesis 3: Networked movements escape the state-form.
Thesis 4: State terror targets and terrifies movements.
Thesis 5: Movement terror is an outcome of state terror against movements. At the intersection of the threatened state and the sources of its anxiety lies the collapse of marginal integration and ‘addition of axioms’ in neoliberalism. Capitalism has been clenching its fists on the world for some time, and many spaces and people are falling through its fingers. The formal sector of the economy is shrinking, leaving behind it swathes of social life marginalized from capitalist inclusion. Much of the global periphery is in effect being forcibly ‘delinked’ from the world economy as inclusion through patronage is scaled down due to neoliberalism. For instance, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa has almost dropped out of the formal international economy’ (Mann, 2005: 55-6). Religious, militia and informal economic organisations have replaced the state on the ground across swathes of Africa, and ‘whole regions have now become virtually independent, probably for the foreseeable future, of all central control’ (Bayart, Ellis and Hibou, 1999: 19-20). These spaces are the locus of the state’s fear of ‘black holes’ where state power breaks down and insurgents can flourish (Korteweg, 2008; Innes, 2008). On a human scale, exclusion, or ‘forced escape’, is even more noticeable. Arif Dirlik argues that capitalism controls enough resources that it no longer needs to control the majority of people; it can simply ignore and exclude four-fifths of the world (1994: 54-5). William Robinson refers to a new stratum of ‘supernumeraries’ in countries like Haiti, who are completely marginalised from production, useless to capitalism and prone to revolt (1996: 342, 378). This became even more evident with the extreme recent seismic event in January 2010 a paradigmatic failure to save lives. This stratum is another locus of the state’s fears. Such people are in Žižek’s terms the ‘social symptom’ of the current world order, ‘the part which, although inherent to the existing universal order, has no ‘proper place’ within it’ (Žižek, 1999, p. 224). Hence, as Caffentzis puts it, ‘Once again, as at the dawn of capitalism, the physiognomy of the world proletariat is that of the pauper, the vagabond, the criminal, the panhandler, the refugee sweatshop worker, the mercenary, the rioter’ (1992: 321). Viewed in affirmative terms, these excluded sites and peoples are associated with the network form. The last few decades have seen a proliferation of network-based movements — some emancipatory, others less so — drawing their membership from marginalised groups and creating autonomous zones in marginal spaces. In the South, such movements often grow out of the everyday networks of survival which ‘provide an infrastructure for the community and a measure of functional autonomy’ (Hecht and Simone, 1994: 14-15; c.f. Lomnitz, 1977; Chatterjee 1993). The discontented excluded lie at the heart of today’s asymmetrical wars. For instance, Giustozzi has investigated the origins of the Pakistani Taleban, revealing that it flourishes mainly among young people who do not receive ‘peace, income, a sense of purpose, a social network’ from the established structure of tribal power (Giustozzi 2007: 39), while Watts (2007) has referred to what is known locally as the ‘restive youth problem’ as central to the conflict in the Niger Delta. One can also refer here to mass protest revolts such as those in Greece and the French banlieues, and spectacular revolts against state power in which police stations and state symbols are attacked, such as the Boko Haram revolt in Nigeria and the uprising of Primero Comando da Capital (PCC) in Sao Paolo. Ignoring for the moment the distinctions among such movements, their vitality can clearly be traced to their networked and marginal loci. Resisting or eluding the terror-state’s grab for space, horizontal networks flow around the state’s restrictions, moving into residual unregulated spaces, gaps in the state’s capacity to repress, across national borders, or into the virtual. Repression drives dissent from open to clandestine forms, creating a field of diffuse resistance and deviance, which ‘returns’ as intractable social problems and inert effects. The point, made clearly by Colin Ward, is that horizontal conflicts – which are in fact conflicts between two perspectives, two projects, or two ways of seeing – are misrepresented as a unilateral violence by one side and thus become insoluble. Those with no place in social life, such as inner-city children, wage ‘jungle warfare’ against the constraints of dominant discourse (Ward, 1978/1990: 89-90). It is also important to recognise that the nihilistic or non-dialogical aspect of this activity is a consequence of its discursive exclusion. The excluded do not cause social problems. Social problems are caused, prior to any act of individual deviance, by the discursive asymmetry between included and excluded. In constituting monologism of the former and voicelessness of the latter, state terror precludes horizontal dialogue and renders conflict intractable. Nevertheless it raises the question: why is this not consistently producing an affirmative movement against state terror? The emotional zero-degree of reactive desire is the fear arising from state terror. Brian McMarvill and Rob los Ricos argue that capitalism is sustained by fear, and this fear is almost inescapable today: within the system it becomes fear of losing subsistence, if one is poor or losing property and status if one is less poor, and outside it becomes fear of state repression and violence (n.d.: 15). The emotional effects of state terror on movements can be discussed in terms of the effects of experiences of oppression. In the work of David Matza for instance, everyday humiliation and indignity produces ‘moods of fatalism’ which suspend constraints on action along with the sense of being a human agent (Matza 1964). Material scarcity arising from capitalist/statist resource grabs can reinforce tendencies for networks to become reactive. With conditions of life put at risk, irrational mass attachments resurface, channeling in a distorted way the new class contradiction between included and excluded. Networks tend to take a reactive form when exposed to a hostile context. For instance, in Skinner’s study of Chinese peasants over time, villages are shown to open and close to the world in response to external openings and risks (Skinner 1971). Bourdieu similarly argues that neoliberalism strengthens reactive networks by demoralising and producing emotional turmoil (1998: 100), while Bauman links paranoiac social forces to insecurity (Bauman 2000). Scarcity is an existential phenomenon which is actualised (not rooted) in material deprivation, but it is harder to sustain an orientation to abundance when deprivation is prevalent. However, neither fear nor deprivation, are alienating of themselves. Rather, they generate alienation only when encrusted psychologically as reactive desire. How one manages fear will determine whether one remains autonomous or becomes sucked into the web of psychological alienation, which begins with the renunciation of autonomous desire. Reactive desire can take three different forms: as external blockage of active desire, as internal ‘repression’ in the psychoanalytic sense, and as desire itself when disempowered by repression (Deleuze 2006: 61). If movements respond to state terror by internalising its effects, internalising scarcity as an existential condition and fear as emotional, sexual and bodily rigidity, they reproduce the affective form of state power, even while adopting the network form in their social interrelations. The future of the state is fundamentally connected to reactive desire; people can disarticulate and dismantle the state by overcoming reactive forces (Guattari, 1996: 256). However, negative energies do not stop at the limits to the state-form. These reactive forces, unleashed from statist and majority insecurities, contaminate networks. By enacting terror, the threatened state in turn threatens and encourages the formation of reactive networks. From the immanent standpoint of a network, it becomes necessary to strike back against this fear, indignity, intolerance and rightslessness, in violent and/or non-violent terms. With reactive desire operating inside emergent networks, a split appears between affinity- networks based on active desire and reactive networks, which give a central place to reactive desire. Affinity-networks create and are sustained by what Sahlins terms ‘primitive affluence’, a type of existential abundance. This way of experiencing the world is difficult to sustain amidst state terror. However, there are different ways of responding to state-induced anxiety. The compositive energies of affinity are present in both types of networks. In internal structure, reactive groups rely on active energies and affinity. Hence, Marc Sageman’s account of Wahhabi groups emphasises the emotional force of the ‘small-world network’ as their integrative force: ties of kinship, friendship and discipleship create a strong emotional force of cohesion (Sageman, 2004: 107:138). However, reactive networks also internalise statist-majoritarian conceptions of self. Reactive networks seek to psychologically recompose the self, acting-out violence against outsiders for the purpose of internal composition of the self and in-group (Theweleit, 1987). They are defined by a refusal to identify with their actual life-condition as minoritarian, networked, excluded or marginal people. Instead, they hide behind a myth of belonging to a superior in-group, which should become the new master. The passage from state terror to reactive network terror occurs through the graded stratifications, whereby majoritarian categories enter everyday life (Wallerstein 2004: 37-9). These stratifications, constructed around marked and unmarked terms, discursive exclusions and hierarchies, are products of the field of ‘ideology’ or ‘fantasy’ surrounding the state. Status-groups, or ‘neoarchaisms’ as Deleuze and Guattari call them (1983: 257-8), occur at the intersection of states and networks and can attract either emancipatory or reactive forces. For instance, Pieterse argues that rigid ethnic identities arise from authoritarian institutions and political cultures, and are an effect rather than a cause of conflicts based on ‘the politics of hard sovereignty’ (Pieterse, 1998). Outside such contexts, communities are neither denumerable nor exhaustive of identity (Chatterjee 1993: 223). Fear bridges the gap between segmentary identities and predatory social action. Arjun Appadurai analyses reactive networks as emerging from fear (2006: 1). Asking why groups which are often small and weak are subjected to such vicious fear and rage, Appadurai answers that such groups are targets of anxiety, because of their problematic position in nation-state discourse (ibid. 49). Assigning minorities as a grey area between citizen and humanity-in-general, states displace fear of their own marginalisation onto minorities (ibid. 43). The underlying reason for such acting-out is the insecurity produced by neoliberal capitalism and a rapidly-changing world (ibid. 83-4). ‘~~[M~~]inorities are the flash point for a series of uncertainties that mediate between everyday life and its fast-shifting global backdrop’ (ibid. 44). Hence, violence is not simply a consequence of, but a means to produce antagonistic identities, which ward off uncertainty (ibid. 7). In this context, the narcissism of minor differences has gained a new importance. Difference itself is the target of narcissism, and the impossibility of its elimination leads to an excess of violence (ibid. 11). Networks acting on such fear reproduce the terroristic tendencies of the state, directing them against other groups using network means. Beyond network terror: safe spaces, open spaces, spaces of dialogue Thesis 6: Affinity-networks are the antidote to state terror and movement terror. The impulse to condemn deviance, resistance and insurrection is disturbingly strong in academia, and doubtless strengthened by revulsion against network terror. Yet this networked rebellion of the excluded is the key to hopes for a better world. In the spiral of terror between states and movements, it is important to recognise that the source is the state and the weak point is in the movements. In today’s social war, the Other is not even accorded the honour of being an enemy in a fair fight. As long as social conflicts are seen through a statist frame, social war is doomed to continue, because discursive exclusion produces social war as its underside, and renders resistance both necessary and justified. The cycle of terror starts with the state: its terror at an existential level of losing control and fixity. This terrified state produces state terror and thereby creates the conditions for movement terror. It is naive to look for a way out from this side of the equation. State terror can end only when the state, both accepts the proliferation of networks beyond its control, and adopts a more humble role for itself, or when it collapses or is destroyed. On the other side, we should find hope in the proliferation of resistance among the excluded. We need to see in movements of the excluded the radical potential and not only the reactive distortions. To take Tupac Shakur’s metaphor, we need to see the rose that grows from concrete, not merely the thorns. The problem is, rather, that many of the movements on the network side of the equation are still thinking, seeing and feeling like states. Such movements are potential bearers of the Other of the state-form, of networks as alternatives to states, affinity against hegemony, abundance against scarcity. The question thus becomes how they can learn to valorise what they are — autonomous affinity-networks — rather than internalising majoritarian norms. For instance, in terms of the impact of technosocial transformations on agency, the negotiation of ideology, order of dissent in relation to capitalism as a social code, remains hostage to labor processes and to thick identities of local/regional or national interests, which fail to move contemporary movements to an active affinity to a common humanity and a pragmatic solution for an ethical, non exploitative form of production (Karatzogianni and Schandorf, 2012). Here the exception may like in the global justice movements and Occupy, although still here the discourse remains often in reactive mode, due to state crackdowns experienced by the movements. There is a great need to find ways to energise hope against fear. Hope as an active force can be counterposed to the reactive power of fear. People are not in fact powerless, but are made to feel powerless by the pervasiveness of the dominant social fantasy and of separation. This yields a temptation to fall back on the power of ‘the powerful’, those who gain a kind of distorted agency through alienation. But powerlessness and constituted power are both effects of alienation, which can be broken down by creating affinity-network forms of life. An emotional shift can thus be enough to revolutionise subjectivities. Hence, as Vaneigem argues, ‘~~[t~~]o work for delight and authentic festivity is barely distinguishable from preparing for a general insurrection’ (Vaneigem 1967: 50-1). It has been argued in utopian studies that fear and hope form part of a continuum, expressing ‘aspects of affective ambivalence’ connected to the indeterminacy of the future (McManus 2005). The type of hope needed is active and immanent, brought into the present as a propulsive force rather than deferred to the future. Deleuze and Guattari use the term ‘absolute deterritorialisation’ for this possibility. In his work on conflict transformation, John Paul Lederach emphasises the need to turn negative energies into creative energies and mobilising hope against fear (Lederach and Maiese, n.d.: 2-3; Lederach, 2005). How is this change in vital energies to be accomplished? Deleuze and Guattari invoke a figure of the shaman as a way to overcome reactive energies (1983: 167-8). They call for a type of revolutionary social movement ‘that follows the lines of escape of desire; breaches the wall and causes flows to move; assembles its machines and its groups-in-fusion in the enclaves or at the periphery’, countering reactive energies (ibid. 277).





We take up debate as a space of educational experimentation, the active creation of values, and a total refusal of the forces of microfascism that arbitrarily attempt to constrain the people that students might become. We seek to dwell as poets within debates, cosmic artisans inhabiting policy debate’s forms in order to generate the possibility of an entirely new people yet to come.


Wallin 14. Jason Wallin, Professor of Media and Youth Culture in Curriculum in the Faculty of Education at the University of Alberta, "Education Needs to Get a Grip on Life" in Deleuze and Guattari, Politics and Education: For a People-Yet-to-Come, Bloomsbury Academic, 2014, via epub

It is crucial to rejoin that the supple line is ambivalent (Deleuze and Guattari, 1987). It strays from the orthodox rigidity of its territory, but, of course, we do not yet know how it will reterritorialize. As a case study, we might point to Guattari and Oury’s experimentation with the material organization of the clinic at La Borde and its singular intervention with the hierarchical and sedimented roles inherent to its pedagogy. In a manner not dissimilar to problems facing contemporary education, Guattari and Oury’s analysis of the La Borde clinic detected the worsening of patients’ psychological health and in certain instances the emergence of new neurosis and symptoms. What Guattari’s work within the psychiatric institution would reveal is that such emerging illnesses were an effect of the institution itself. Within the traditional psychiatric setting, Guattari observed, patients ‘~~[lost~~] their characteristics, becoming deaf and blind to all social communication’ (Guattari, 2009, p. 177). In response, Guattari would begin to articulate the ways in which the institution had failed to treat the patients and further, the ways in which it had effected the production and acceleration of patient neuroses. Guattari would point to several contributing factors for this failure, including the reification of vertical power relations (arboreal hierarchies), the bureaucratic segmentation of institutional life into ‘specialist’ roles, and the alienation of patients from institutional processes. Via the ‘segregation of inmates … locked rooms, severely limited freedoms, ~~[and~~] intense surveillance’, the institution would become less oriented to treatment than its absolute obstruction (Genosko, 2002, p. 68). Guattari and Oury’s material experimentation at La Borde would commence a supple line by straying from the rigid model of the clinic "without courting its complete disintegration or its reterritorialization upon some new fascism or rigid segmentarity. Against either annihilation or re-Oedipalization, Guattari and Oury’s experiment would be commenced along a line of cautious destratification. In this mode, La Borde’s reconfiguration would occur through such institutional strategies as the introduction of a rolling work rotation schedule in which clinical personnel (medical and non-medical) and patients would comprise heterogeneous groups to perform clinical duties. Dubbed la grille (the grid), this work rotation schedule would produce non-representational group-subject cartographies counterposed to both the hierarchical stratification of ‘specialist functions’ and presupposed institutional identities. A group tasked with the facilitation of clinical workshops might later function to organize art and theatrical activities (Dosse, 2011). Some patients assisted in dispensing medications, while hitherto ‘untouchable’ medical staff performed custodial duties. Other modulations in the clinical setting saw the establishment of a patient’s club where non-medical personnel, clinical staff and patients could mix (Dosse, 2011). In turn, new potentials for group-desiring-production and enunciation were created by linking the mixed space of the patient’s club to the clinic’s newspaper, La Borde Éclair. Through the tactical mixing of segmented and supple lines, La Borde fulminated an experiment in assessing the permeability of space through which patients, doctors "and other clinical staff became productively delinked from their bureaucratic ensconcement within the "clinic’s organization. The ‘mini-revolution’ at La Borde would inhere broader stakes for education. ‘One can only dream of what life could become in … schools … if instead of conceiving them in a mode of empty repetition, one tried to redirect their purpose in the sense of permanent, internal re-creation’ (Guattari, 2009, p. 182). Here, Guattari advocates an image of schooling composed via the mixing of molar and supple segments, or, rather, the continual modulation of institutional life in support of its ‘permanent reinvention’ (p. 182). Such reinvention is intimately concerned with a people, or, rather, the ways in which the molecular revolution of institutional space and pedagogy might fulminate new processes for producing subjectivities. This is not simply a magical idea. At La Borde, the modulation of institutional space, labour and desiring-production aimed to desidiment ‘practico-inert’ forms of group relations co-extensive of institutional seriality, or, rather, the overdetermination of both subjective and collective life-forms (p. 180). What form of anterior activism would be required to ward off the ‘serialization’ of life, Guattari insisted, but the resingularization of the institution, its modes of labour, and desiring-machines? Through the mixing of supple (molecular) and molar lines, La Borde became an experiment in producing new universes of reference, or, rather, new conductors for the creation of subjectivities not given in advance. In this vein, the desedimentation of organizational hierarchy, ‘expert’ roles and clinical space would palpate a becoming necessary to recommence institutional analysis from within. Nomads in the institution Guattari and Oury’s experiments at La Borde might be thought of as a material practice in the creation of smooth space and, concomitantly, the production of new processes for the creation of a people out-of-step with an abstract image of the people in general. Herein, La Borde’s internal revolution detects two trajectories unthought by standardized education. First, La Borde’s internal revolution is not solely material. Rather, as ‘the grid’ demonstrates, La Borde’s experiment is concomitantly one that pertains to the modulation of the abstract-machine immanent to the social field of the institution itself. More specifically, the mini-revolution at La Borde is first an intervention with the abstract-machine of institutional relations and their affects upon material life therein. Where the abstract-machine functions as ‘the cause of the concrete assemblages that execute its relations’, the creation of a new image of thought informs upon the very tissue of the assemblages produced (Deleuze, 1999, p. 37). In this vein, the material reconfiguration of La Borde’s social organization and its creation of new potentials for group-subject formation is productively linked to the work rotation schedule (la grille) as a horizontal or minimally rhizomatic image of thought. This trajectory of intervention suggests that political action, or, rather, the potential to palpate forms of life and styles of living not accounted for within dominant regimes of signification, necessitates the tactical counter-actualization of abstract institutional diagrammatics. Crucially, what the case of La Borde demonstrates is not only that the material organization of the institution is immanently suffused by the image of thought contracted with it, but, further, that modulations of this institutional image are capable of dilating how material life might organize within institutional spaces. Such interventions, by Guattari’s own admission, are immensely difficult, and the threat of reterritorializing the institution’s abstract-machines within fascist formations remains a problem for which one must always be on the lookout. As Guattari articulated, La Borde would continually face the challenge of overly territorial staff, the over-identification of doctors with the medical hierarchy, and the continual threat that original group-subject formations would become subjected under external metrics of organization (Guattari, 2009). This leads to a second trajectory implicate to La Borde’s revolutionary micropolitics. While the Labordian revolution intervenes "with an image of thought that suffuses the material relations and subjectifying processes of institutional life, the radicality of La Borde’s experimentation emerges by dint of its connection to the virtual. This is simply to say that the revolutionary impulse of the Labordian experiment is commenced on a line of escape from the abstract as a transcendent ideal. Herein, La Borde’s mini-revolution owes more to the detection of the actual-virtual quality of life, and further, a speculative relaunch of ‘as if’ or, rather, incompossible worlds out-of-synch with the transcendent idealization of the world as given (Deleuze, 2003). The problem of standardization, Guattari and Rolnik (2008) implies, is its covering-over of such incompossible or ‘as if’ worlds as to suggest only one way for the organization of life to be thought. Counter-actualizing the illusion of the universal, La Borde’s experiment rethinks the abstract-machine or institutional image of thought alongside a virtual or ‘as if’ world concerned with the resingularization of the institution in a manner no longer linked to vertical striation, subjective alienation, or the overdetermination of patient enunciation by the psychiatrist as the subject-supposed-to-know. In the exceptional Teachers in Nomadic Spaces (2003), Roy argues on the necessity of thinking the school as a qualitative multiplicity or mixed composition in which supple lines of deviation are continually active as ‘potential’ conductors for institutional "reinvention. Where this virtual ecology is severed, Roy articulates, teachers and students encounter a kind of institutional ‘insanity’ marked by a symptomatic adherence to fixed positions and the presumption of personal ownership over scholastic knowledge, skills and attitudes (p. 110). Against such institutional sedimentation, Roy’s practical Deleuzism articulates the case of a high school where students design and offer semester-long courses in areas of collective interest and, further, where collective approaches to decision-making take seriously the productive link between student enunciation and the organizational fabric of the institution. Herein, there is resonance between Roy’s institutional nomadism and Fernand Oury’s ‘institutional pedagogy’ in so far as each aims to rehabilitate the severed relationship of students from the fabric of the institution by tethering the enunciation of group-subjects to material transformations of institutional life (Guattari, 2000). Through the mixed composition of both molar (territorial) and supple (deterritorializing/reterritorializing) lines, both Roy and Oury would relink institutional pedagogy to its experimental potential to modulate the organization from within, or rather, to detect the always-already ‘trembling organization’ of the institution (Thanem and Linstead, 2006). Further to this, Roy and Oury would each detect the crucial Deleuzeguattarian (1987) insight that "practice does not come after the emplacement of the terms and their relations, but actively participates in the drawing of the lines’ (p. 203). This insight might in turn be extended to the pedagogical work of Guattari, (Jean) Oury, Freinet and Neill, who each in their singular ways demonstrate that the differentiation of pedagogical thought-practice can palpate new forms of social organization and less harmful processes of subject creation. The point I would like to make at this juncture is quite straightforward: If education is to dilate its potentials for political action, or, rather, to produce conditions capable of palpating a people, it must become able to produce an image of thought through which new forms of material organization might be actualized. To think of the institution as a mixed space composed of both molar and supple lines, where the latter pose opportunities to break pedagogical routines, forms of mimesis and the habitual striation of institutional space, constitutes one such image. In Aoki’s (2005) terms, we might otherwise dub this image the lived curriculum, where the striated line of the curriculum-as-plan is crosscut by the heterogeneous desiring-production of the teachers, students and others who encounter it. The challenge of pedagogy, Aoki intimates, pertains to the affirmation of the supple line that crosscuts the molar curriculum’s presumption of how a life ought to go. To rejoin Deleuze and Guattari (1987), where pedagogy falls short of being able to affirm a people through the commencement of a supple line of necessary deterritorialization and reterritorialization, a singular people remain missing. This necessitates rethinking the school from under standardization in such a way as to recommence its ‘baroque’ character, or rather, its always-already mixed composition of lines. Such an approach to pedagogy inheres the genius of Celestin Freinet (Acker, 2007), whose incorporation of a classroom printery as a conductor for the desiring-production of his pupils begins by understanding that enunciation without authority,5 the connection of pedagogical life to the broader social fabric, and the dehierarchization of classroom labour are integral to the creation of conditions through which a people might be composed. As a careful experiment in mixing supple and molar segments, Freinetian pedagogy maintains the role of ‘standards’, yet renders them immanent to the desiring-production the group, its special interests and auto-articulation through the press as an enunciatory vehicle for connecting the life of the school to broader social forces and realities.6 Thinking through the institution: Lines of flight Only once pedagogy has become a matter of unleashing thought "and action from material repetition will it become capable of creating new styles and images of living. To think in this direction, however, institutional education must get a grip on life. Where this challenge has historically been redressed by way of submitting life to intensifying mechanisms of control and habituation, or rather, by organizing the supple forces of zoe in the representational image of molar individualism (bios), it has become complicit in perpetuating a form of ontological violence highly recalcitrant to the fabulation of a people out-of-step with the representational people-making of the State and the labour requirements of private industry (jagodzinski, 2011). Against this ontological violence, we have begun to think ‘institutional pedagogy’ as a mixed composition of molar and supple lines, where the latter function as a probe-head for detecting and producing potential alter-institutional formations out-of-step with the given. Yet, as Deleuze and Guattari warn, it is not enough to expect that a smooth or destratified space will save us. A supple line might always fall back into new microfascist behaviours. While a supple line might reterritorialize upon molar tendencies that have outlived their usefulness, Deleuze and Guattari suggest that they might eclipse the ‘strange attractor’ of the molar line and fulminate a line of flight that disappears into the distance. For contemporary education, it is the line of flight that constitutes the greatest political challenge in so far as it might be come capable of evading the image of an adapted and homogeneous people implicate to the teleology of standardization, producing instead the conditions for a nomadic war-machine capable of fulminating a critique of the State from the position of an outside thought. In this vein, it might be said that the dropout constitutes one of contemporary education’s greatest political problems. Of course, to suggest such a thing warrants caution, for the very image of the dropout is one fabulated as a foil to the idealization of a well-adapted and homogeneous institutional subject. Yet, in so far as the dropout deviates from the image towards which institutional life is made to aspire, it might function to illustrate tendencies of molecular revolution and, further, the emergence of a people-in-becoming not yet given institutionally. Aoki (2005) points to this molecular revolution via a Canada-wide study of dropout rates from university science programmes in the early 1990s. Why had one-third of previously successful students in science dropped out by the third year of their university science-degree programmes, Aoki informs, but for the reason that their education had failed to grasp prescient crises in the discipline and, further, the virtual potential for science to take up new issues and problems particular to the lives of students (pp. 199–200). According to the programme’s dropouts, their science education had failed to produce a salient attachment to life, or at least those molecular impulses of difference "unequal to the edicts of the ‘molar institution’. For Aoki (2005), the dropout’s line of flight fulminates two productive disruptions within the territory of institutional education. First, it deterritorializes the ostensibly stable image of the curriculum-as-plan by exceeding the a priori epistemic commitments, methodological habits and utilitarian possibilities presupposed by the plan as given. Second, the dropout resists integration by plotting a line that no longer differs by degree, or, rather, in accord with some founding image of ‘identity’ as its grounding matrix. The dropout might, in this sense, be thought of as a figure of disidentification that is already on the move elsewhere, into an ‘open landscape of multiplicity’ whereupon a people might be composed (p. 207). It is in this vein that the dropout might no longer be thought of in pejorative terms, but, rather, as a potential expression of para-academic, outlander and nomadic forces through which the molar institution might be confronted with what it is incapable of thinking. The 2012 Quebec protests might be thought of as one such expression, where disidentification with the State’s insistence that students be quiet and content was counter-actualized through the assemblage of molecular revolutions being prepared in other social domains and labour sectors. As spokespeople for CLASSE (la Coalition large de l’Association pour une solidarité syndicale étudiante) would suggest, the success of the student strikes against tuition hikes "and the repeal of rights to public assembly and freedom of enunciation would occur via the creation of diverse alliances that for their shared molecular struggle against the dogmatic assertions of State power would comprise a war-machine poised to break territories of power through the materialization of an outside thought (Deleuze and Guattari, 1986). The attempted silencing of the student protests through the enaction of emergency laws, forcible repression by police forces, and mainstream media attacks branding protestors as irrational extremists would fail to suffocate the heterogeneous antilogos being prepared via the spatio-geographic occupation of public space, the disruption statistical numerability qua the creation of protest collectives, and the production of affective forces out-of-sync with the image of an orderly and adapted public demanded by the State. As with Deleuze and Guattari’s (1986) description of nomad tactics, Quebec’s micropolitical revolution functions to deterritorialize dominant regimes of signification. Such noological violence is aimed at a people given in advance, or, rather, a molar public domesticated in the image of the State and private sector. In distinction, CLASSE palpates a new image for thinking via a line of institutional and economic deterritorialization oriented to the actualization of free post-secondary education for all. It is hence via the line of flight, or a creative line of escape from the entrapment of institutionally sanctioned desiring-production that a life might be recommenced, or, rather, that institutional pedagogy might more fully re-engage with molecular forms of non-integration and refusal suffusing the contemporary social field. This posed, it is crucial to rejoin Guattari’s (2009) insight that it is not simply enough to alter the material organization of the school. As such protest group-subjects as CLASSE illustrate, society itself must be revolutionized. It is in this manner that the dropout might be repoliticized in terms of its ability to constitute a molecular war-machine that extends beyond the albeit crucial internal revolution of such social institutions as the school. Born from a process of deterritorialization, the dropout produces a constitutive line that begins to remap both social terrain and the territories of person-construction inscribed in such mechanisms as educational standardization. The dropout is both a process of disidentification and a means to place institutional life in immediate relation with its outside (Deleuze and Guattari, 1986). Herein, the dropout might be thought of as a minoritarian figure "vague (vagabond) enough to escape molar essences while fringe enough to elude over-identification with a given people. It is in this way that the dropout is always born on a constitutive line reterritorializing elsewhere – producing or inhabiting smooth ecologies with their own potentials for resingularization, revolutionary instants and experimental surges (Deleuze and Guattari, 1994). The dropout’s constitutive line of flight palpates a way in which we might ‘think leaving’ as an affirmative escape (Arsic, 2005). Contemporarily, such lines of escape are subject to intensifying powers of capture. While labouring under the alibi of ‘best pedagogical practice’, for example, the advancement of ‘no fail’ policies in many North American schools masks the contraction of the institutional subject to flows of State funding. Hence, where the dropout constitutes a potential break in the institution’s economic circuit, its threat becomes subjected to policy that effectively prevents ‘thinking leaving’. Such a trend might be extended in relation to the lauded educational rhetoric of life-long learning, which insists upon processes of permanent retraining, re-accreditation and permanent registration that effectively tether the desiring-production of the ‘educated’ subject to forms of institutional regulation and segmentary management. Such regulation of ‘pedagogical life’ in service of both the State and the private sector are amplified via the production of infinite debt, which produces an intractable barrier to the composition of a politicized nomadism (Holland, 2011). Increasingly, our ability to think outside the institution is ostensibly diminishing. The capture of smooth or otherwise, non-coded social space constitutes a significant problem in so far as education might take seriously the ethico-political challenge that life has a chance or, rather, that the desiring-production of unique group-subjects can shape the institution and broader social fabric. Again, these are not simply magic words. One might detect in the pedagogical thinking of Freinet, Neill, Oury, Guattari and others the necessity of dropping out in order that new space of alliance and association might be produced. For such educators as Neill (1992), escaping the violence of the modern school (the school-as-barracks) would necessitate the production of a war-machine oriented to the productive destruction of a hierarchical and militarized noology endemic to institutional thought. In brief, Neill’s Summerhill School is not simply another school within the boutique milieu of neo-liberal ‘edu-consumerism’. More radically, Summerhill is a dropout school, or, rather, a school born through a process of productive disidentification with the school in general. It is, in many ways, a school different in kind. It is the ‘outside thought’ or resingularization of the standardized school intent on the production of conditions (co-operative council, non-mandatory classes, heterogeneous student groupings) for the creation of new group-subject formations. On this intent, Neill infamously provoked: ‘I would rather see a happy street-sweeper than a neurotic Prime Minister’ (p. 10). Not without irony, Summerhill’s future would be "threatened in the late 1990s, when Tony Blair’s New Labour Government sought to reterritorialize Summerhill’s singularity back upon the State’s model of educational efficiency and production, hence reinscribing it along the presumed necessity of the State as a transcendent supervisory and regulatory power. Against this, Summerhill was able to evade capture through the resistance of its ‘heterogeneous’ advocates, who championed the necessity of its difference in a culture overcoded by party bosses, organizational hierarchies and the clichés of orthodox educational thought.






The 1AC that doesn't :( :

economy

State budget shortfalls slow economic growth and ensure they lack sufficient revenue to fund pensions
Donlan 17. Thomas G. Donlan, editor at Barron’s, “There’s a Hole in State Pensions,” Feb 11, 2017, http://www.barrons.com/articles/theres-a-hole-in-state-pensions-1486794298
Turn away from the lurid deficit spectacles in Washington to examine the declining state of
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a firm arguing for tougher standards “may be disqualified from further consideration.”

That collapses the US economy
Reeves 3/24.Jeff Reeves is a stock analyst and executive editor of InvestorPlace.com. His commentary has also appeared on CNBC, Fox Business, USA Today, and the Wall Street Journal network, “Your pension could be at the center of America's next financial crisis,” March 24, 2017, http://thehill.com/blogs/pundits-blog/finance/325564-the-pension-crisis-will-be-americas-next-financial-crisis
I’m not a fan of the “greed is good” mentality of Wall Street
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Social Security, even in an imperfect form, well beyond 2034?

Federal CTE funding is critical to avoid impending budget crisis and stimulate economic growth
CCD 17. Published by the American Association of Community Colleges, 6-23-2017, "Governors support CTE, job-training funding – Community College Daily," Community College Daily, http://www.ccdaily.com/2017/05/governors-support-cte-job-training-funding/
The National Governors Association (NGA) doesn’t often wade into debates over federal appropriations
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to ensure students are prepared for a 21st century economy,” NGA said.

States increasing funding on their own would run afoul of balanced-budget requirements and further downgrade their creditworthiness – only increasing federal block grant spending can solve fiscal shortfalls
Gamage 10.David Gamage, Assistant Professor, University of California, Berkeley, School of Law (Boalt Hall), “Preventing State Budget Crises: Managing the Fiscal Volatility Problem,” California Law Review, 98 Calif. L. Rev. 749, June, 2010, lexis
Politicians generally benefit both from cutting taxes and from increasing spending on popular programs.
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balanced budget constraint itself, thereby reducing its potential to provide countercyclical support.

Two impact scenarios – 1st is diversionary war

It’s uniquely true under trump
Foster 12/19. Dennis M., professor of international studies and political science at the Virginia Military Institute, 12/19/16, “Would President Trump go to war to divert attention from problems at home?,” http://inhomelandsecurity.com/would-president-trump-go-to-war-to-divert-attention-from-problems-at-home
If the U.S. economy tanks, should we expect Donald Trump to
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ramifications of an economic downturn with a President Trump in the White House.

That goes nuclear and causes extinction
Street 16. Tim, fellow of the Sustainable Security Programme at the Oxford Research Group, previously researcher with the British American Security Information Council, Ph.D. from Warwick University, 11/30/16, “President Trump: Successor to the Nuclear Throne,” http://www.oxfordresearchgroup.org.uk/publications/briefing_papers_and_reports/president_trump_successor_nuclear_throne
Donald Trump’s arrival in the White House as US President has deeply unnerved people from
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to widespread anger, confusion and unrest, both at home and abroad.

2nd is Heg – collapse of the economy kills economic leadership and hegemony – that’s a conflict multiplier
Lieberman and Kyl 15. Joseph Lieberman- senior counsel at Kasowitz Benson Torres and Friedman LLP. Former United States senator and attorney general of the State of Connecticut. Jon Kyl- sat on the powerful Senate Finance Committee, where he was the top Republican on the Subcommittee on Taxation and Internal Revenue Service Oversight, also served as the ranking Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee’s Subcommittee on Crime and Terrorism. “Why American Leadership Still Matters” https://www.aei.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/Why-American-Leadership-Still-Matters_online.pdf mba-alb
This report reflects the fundamental consensus of our project’s members that American global leadership is
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US business. These issues all underscore the need for stronger US leadership.

worker shortages

Scenario 1 is Cyber

The cyber workforce gap makes the US unprepared for a large scale cyber attack now
Kim 5/19. Anne Kim - Senior Writer at the Washington Monthly. She is also a senior fellow at the Aspen Institute’s initiative on financial security and a senior fellow at the Progressive Policy Institute. Before joining the Monthly, Anne served as senior policy strategist at the nonprofit CFED, as the economic program director at the think tank Third Way, and as legislative director and deputy chief of staff to Rep. Jim Cooper – “Trump Is Ignoring America’s Looming Cybersecurity Threat” – 5/19/17 - http://washingtonmonthly.com/2017/05/19/trump-is-ignoring-americas-looming-cybersecurity-threats/ /TK
The “ransomware” attack that crippled computer systems around the globe last week
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won’t get the money or the attention it deserves – until too late.

The plan solves - CTE is key to STEM education
Wolfe 6/26. Alexis Wolfe - science policy analyst and writer for FYI and is currently working on expanding FYI’s multimedia portfolio. Prior to joining AIP, she was an Oak Ridge Institute for Science and Education Fellow and NOAA Sea Grant Knauss Marine Policy Fellow at the U.S. Department of Energy, focusing on science communication – “Career and Technical Education Emerging as Vehicle for STEM in Trump Era” – 6/26/17 - https://www.aip.org/fyi/2017/career-and-technical-education-emerging-vehicle-stem-trump-era /TK
Experiential, work-based career and technical education programs are receiving attention from policymakers
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community college students with internship positions at one of 15 national energy laboratories.

Improving technical and STEM education in primary and secondary schools is key to establish a sustainable pipeline of workers into the cyber security field – that resolves the workforce gap
Kay et al 12. David J. Kay - Research Analystin the Center for Technology andNational Security Policy (CTNSP), Institutefor National Strategic Studies,at the National Defense University;Terry J. Pudas - Senior ResearchFellow in CTNSP; Brett Young -Research Assistant in CTNSP – “Preparing the Pipeline:The U.S. Cyber Workforcefor the Future” – August 2012 - http://ctnsp.dodlive.mil/files/2013/07/DH-072.pdf /TK
It is clear to cyber experts and observers inside and outside government that many of
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-, and long-term human capital strategies for government departments and agencies.

Attack on the grid is inevitable – it escalates to war
Knake 4/3. Robert K. Knake - Whitney Shepardson senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. His work focuses on Internet governance, public-private partnerships, and cyber conflict. Knake served from 2011 to 2015 as director for cybersecurity policy at the National Security Council – “A Cyberattack on the U.S. Power Grid” – 4/3/17 - https://www.cfr.org/report/cyberattack-us-power-grid /TK
The U.S. power grid has long been considered a logical target for
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action, as opposed to a response in kind, would be likely.

Cyber-attacks on the grid wipe-out the US military---causes nuclear war
Tilford 12. Robert, Graduate US Army Airborne School, Ft. Benning, Georgia, “Cyber attackers could shut down the electric grid for the entire east coast” 2012, http://www.examiner.com/article/cyber-attackers-could-easily-shut-down-the-electric-grid-for-the-entire-east-coa
we reject ableist and offensive language
To make matters worse a cyber attack
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include the use of “nuclear weapons”, if authorized by the President.

.Independently, cyber threats lead to accidental nuclear escalation
Van der Meer 16.Sico van der Meer - Research Fellow at the Clingendael Institute. His research is focussing on non-conventional weapons like Weapons of Mass Destruction and cyber weapons from a strategic policy perspective – “Cyber Warfare and Nuclear Weapons: Game-changing Consequences?” – 12/6/16 -https://www.clingendael.nl/sites/default/files/SWP_Paper_Chapter_Sico_van_der_Meer.pdf /TK
Most nuclear weapons systems were designed decades ago, when manipulations of computer
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cheaper cyber weapons with more or less the same deterrent effect.

Scenario 2 is Ag

The need for skilled agriculture workers will continue to grow – CTE is critical to a sufficient amount of graduates
Willis 17. Victoria, masters in agricultural education from Clemson University, “Nurturing our Established Roots: The Smith-Hughes Act as a Model for Agricultural Education Career Preparation” The Agricultural Education Magazine Vol 89 Issue 4, January 2017, pg 27 GK
Considering retirement rates, the need to supply the STEM pipeline, and the worlds’
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take on the challenges of the future for the betterment of our society.

CTE solves ag – causes an influx of new workers to sustain the sector
Trexler 16. Tiffany, masters of science in agricultural education from California State University, Chico, “THE ADDITION OF AN AGRICULTURE MECHANICS PATHWAY TO BEAR CREEK HIGH SCHOOL” CSU Chico spring 2016, pgs 12-15 GK
One of the reasons there is a need to expand CTE in general, but
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mechanics pathway was researched and planned, with the intent of rapid adoption.

Severe food shortages are coming now – they ensure multiple paths to extinction – a lack of academic interest increases the odds
Heneghan 15. Carolyn, freelance writer with experience in food and agriculture systems around the world, “Where food crises and global conflict could collide” Fooddive 1/22/15, http://www.fooddive.com/news/where-food-crises-and-global-conflict-could-collide/350837 GK
World War III is unimaginable for many, but some experts believe that not only
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find ways to solve the problem before it becomes something they cannot control.

US agriculture ships internationally – that’s key to global food security
Edmark 15. Dave, U of A System Division of Agriculture, “Food security vital for national interests, world markets,” Cattle News Network 10/23/15, http://www.cattlenetwork.com/news/food- security-vital- national-interests- world-markets GK
Improving global food security should be a U.S. priority because it is
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companies spending $8 billion to build infrastructure and supply chains in Africa.

Food shortages trigger nuclear escalation
FDI 12. Future Directions International, a Research institute providing strategic analysis of Australia’s global interests; citing Lindsay Falvery, PhD in Agricultural Science and former Professor at the University of Melbourne’s Institute of Land and Environment, “Food and Water Insecurity: International Conflict Triggers & Potential Conflict Points,” http://www.futuredirections.org.au/workshop-papers/537-international-conflict-triggers-and-potential-conflict-points-resulting-from-food-and-water-insecurity.html
There is a growing appreciationthat the conflicts in the next century will most likely
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identify famine as a potential trigger for conflicts and possibly even nuclear war.

plan

Plan: The United States federal government should substantially increase career and technical education formula grants for public secondary education, including a Career and Technical Education Pathways Trust Fund supplemented by Social Innovation Financing.

solvency

The plan galvanizes private sector support for secondary CTE education through social innovation financing and competitive grants
Hasak 16. Jonathan Hasak is a Manager of Public Policy and Government Affairs at Year Up, graduate of the Harvard Graduate School of Education and a former Teach for America corps member who taught in the Oakland Unified School District, “A summer surprise: the case for CTE reform,” 7/1/16, http://thehill.com/blogs/congress-blog/education/286111-a-summer-surprise-the-case-for-cte-reform
In less than 16 days, the United Sta tes Congress will adjourn for
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remaining days in session to reauthorize the Perkins Career and Technical Education Act.

Linking high schools to CTE programs administered by the private sector ensures the development of a workforce that overcomes looming productivity and skills gaps
Jackson and Hasak 14. John H. Jackson is the president and CEO of the Schott Foundation for Public Education, held leadership positions at the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and has served as an adjunct professor of Race, Gender, and Public Policy at the Georgetown Public Policy Institute, and Jonathan Hasak is a recent graduate of the Harvard Graduate School of Education and Manager of Public Policy and Government Affairs at Year Up, “Look Beyond The Label: Reframing, Reimagining, and Reinvesting in CTE,” American Educator, Fall 2014, https://www.aft.org/ae/fall2014/jackson_hasak
2. Address the Student-Readiness and Teaching-Training GapsDespite being
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greater efficiency, increased student choice, and wider access to education.18

Social Innovation Financing reduces runaway spending and encourages competition
Costa 11. Kristina Costa, Special Assistant at the Center for American Progress. 10-19-2011 "Financing Tools for Social Innovation," Center for American Progress, https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/general/news/2011/10/19/10435/innovation-for-the-public-good-financing-tools-for-social-innovation/ /adres
Last week we examined why strong leadership is essential to public-sector innovation.**
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Next week we’ll consider what makes an agency’s culture most able to innovate.